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Saturday, March 6, 2010


RURAL INTERNSHIPS


Have you ever...

Felt the need for a space where you can be yourself?

Pushed yourself to the limit, to discover just what youcan do?

Explored the junction where you meet yourself and the world around you – not in black and white, but in the colours of ideas, actions and real-life interconnections that exist? 

Wanted to see village life at close quarters and wondered what people do there; what is their daily schedule like?


If your response to even one of these statements is positive, click here to read what previous years rural interns have to say about this experience!


What you read are some the experiences of volunteers who went for the Rural Internship Programme as part of the SMILE process in May and June 2009. SMILE (Students’ Mobilisation Initiative for Learning through Exposure) creates opportunities for young people to engage with society in meaningful ways.

Rural Internships are the backbone of the SMILE process, where young people gain opportunities to volunteer at a rural NGO and gain firsthand experience of ground realities. Through exposure and participation in community work, volunteers get to learn about issues that affect the development of our country today.

The Rural Internship Programme is held in two batches every year in the months of May and June, The programme is typically divided into four parts:
  • Orientation Camp, where the volunteers reflect on, understand and get ready for the journey ahead;
  • Rural placements, where the volunteers are placed with specific grassroots organizations or movements for a fixed period. Here they interact with different communities and get a deeper understanding of the issues that confront the local people and organizations.
  • Feedback camp, where, after returning from the placements, volunteers share their learning, and find ways of working more on the issues they have experienced. Each volunteer also has to submit a detailed report on their experiences and learnings during the internship.
  • Action project, where volunteers actually ‘do’ something concrete to impact the social issue they have chosen to work on. For example, volunteers may do a fundraiser, enact a play, organize a film festival or run a campaign to build awareness and support for a social issue.

For more details about the Rural Internship process, please download the interest form , fill it and send it to jaipur@pravah.org.

For further information please contact 0141-4030356

Youth for Development

As part of Youth for Development (YfD) program you will get to work in a rural area for six months. This means that you can get the experience of working in these areas as well as use what you learn to help out in some issues which the people out there feel are important for them. But do you think you cannot do alone? Maybe then, you should read ahead – at YFD we also train you for two weeks, provide you with constant mentoring and a monthly stipend till you are with us. Now that does make your work a bit easier and a lot more fun! Who can apply? If you are an Indian resident between the age of 18 - 27 and have some basic knowledge of Hindi and English, you can apply!!

प्रवाह - एक जीवन दृष्टि




प्रवाह यानी बहाव! कहा भी गया है कि बहता पानी निर्मला। लेकिन क्या यह बात पानी के अलावा मनुष्यों के विचारों और उसकी सोच पर भी उतनी ही लागू नहीं होती? विचारों के बहते रहने और उनके निर्मल बने रहने का क्या कोई सीधा संबंध है? एक युवा होने के नाते मुझे यह बात बहुत महत्वपूर्ण लगती है कि इस उम्र में हम अपने विचारों का निर्माण अपने आस पास के समाज से ही करते हैं और यह हमारी ‘जीवन दृष्टि’ के निर्धारण का एक और महत्वपूर्ण पड़ाव होता है। आस-पास की घटनाओं और लोगों के बारे में हमारी राय एक बदलाव भी बन सकती है यदि हम उसे बनाना चाहें। फुटपाथ पर सोने वाले लोगों, वंचित समुदायों या फिर विस्थापन की दरिद्रता सभी लोगों के लिए एक जैसी संवेदना पैदा नहीं कर सकती। यह संवेदनाएं पैदा भी नहीं होती बल्कि यह हमारे विचारों का हिस्सा होती है जो रह-रह कर फूटती रहती है।
प्रवाह जयपुर इनिशिएटिव एक पहल से कहीं ज्यादा एक ‘जीवन दृष्टि’ का विचार है जो हमको हमें अपनी सोच और नजरिये को निरंतर परिष्कृत कर उसे निर्मल बनाये रखने के लिए अवसर प्रदान करता है। अब तक बने बनाये नजरियों से आगे बढ़कर स्वयं की सोच और रचनात्मकता को अपने भीतर देख पाना और निरंतर सीखते रहने के लिए प्रोत्साहन उसका एक अभिन्न अंग है। समाज को सीखाने से कहीं ज्यादा उससे सीखने का उत्साही कदम बढ़ाने वाले युवाओं के एक प्रवाह की जरूरत आज समाज में दिखाई देती है। हममें से कितने लोग इसके लिए आगे आते हैं और एक नई बहस हमारे भविष्य और सामाजिक सरोकारों को कितना निर्मल करती है यह प्रश्न हम सभी को मिलकर हल करना है।

Gopal Singh
Commutineer

identity and intolerance




Politics of Identity and Intolerance
Ram Puniyani

On fifth of June (2008) a group of followers of Shiv Sangram Sanghtan (SSS), led by a former MLC of Nationalist Congress party, attacked the house of editor of Loksatta, a prominent Marathi daily, Kumar Ketkar and tried to break open the house. They broke the glass panes, did other possible damage and smeared the house with coal tar, before leaving. They, as per their leader, were expressing their spontaneous anger against Ketkar, who according to them had insulted Shivaji in his editorial. This editorial was a sarcastic criticism of the Maharashtra Government's move to build statue of Shivaji, which will be taller than the one of statue of Liberty, and it will be located in the Arabian Sea, on an island, which will have to be built and an approach to the island will have to be made.

This will involve expenses, which will be in astronomical figures. Ketkar, one of the leading journalist and conscience raiser of society, questioned the wisdom of the Government in planning for such a monument when the state is riddled with so many problems, like farmers suicide, children's malnutrition, unemployment and the like. Ketkar had not once questioned the respect for Shivaji which a large section of Mahrashtrians have. What was surprising was that apart from the attack, some of those posing to be respecting Shivaji, claimed that such an 'inspiring' monument will solve the problems of the state!

What is surprising is that in a state known for its liberal, progressive traditions, the tactics adopted by the likes of SSS have not been the only ones of this type. Earlier we witnessed an attack on Bhandarkar Institute, Pune by similar characters when James Laine's book subtly hinted at the real parentage of Shivaji. Since Laine did his research at this institute. Similarly earlier Shiv Sena had created ruckus when secular activist Teesta Setalvad had prepared a handbook for a school which mentioned that Shivaji was a Shudra.

While this is true, currently the word Shudra is perceived in a derogatory sense so Shiv Sena's ire! As such Shivaji has been invoked to build a particular type of identity. In current times Bal Thackeray in his anti non-Mahrashtrian stance built it up for political gains. The same identity was used to give anti Muslim message, contrary to the fact that Shivaji was not against Muslims, he had innumerable Muslims in his administration, army, Navy and what have you. He also had immense respect for Hazarat Baba Bahutthorwale a Sufi saint.

Contrary to the truth and facts Shiv Sena succeeded in undertaking anti Muslim pogrom and anti Muslim politics to polarize the Hindus, in the name of Shivaji. By and by Mahrashtraian identity has come to be fixed around Shivaji alone, bypassing the glorious heritage of Saints like Tukaram and Chokha Mela, bypassing the doyens of social change like Jotiba Phule and Ambedkar. This bypasses innumerable freedom fighters from Maharashtra and the large groups of rational thinkers also. Shivaji's identity was deliberately picked up by communal forces as there are few instances which if seen selectively, may sound against Muslims and others.

This selective projection has been employed for motivated and crooked political calculations. They have most of the times reaped political harvest by abusing the identity of Shivaji for their political goals. Last few years with the growing neglect of social issues the identity politics is being given exalted importance and so other political formations have also been resorting to the use of this identity politics around Shivaji. With the growth of this comes the intolerance where any criticism, real or perceived against the icons is met with attacks aimed to muzzle the voice of those protesting against some or other policy.

The degree of intolerance is so intense that the attackers are not bothered even about the real social issues, they many a times, even don't read what has been written and merely on the ground of make believe; take the law in their hands to pursue their politics. In Mahrashtra Bal Thackeray did it to a great effect and now other political elements are also doing the same. This type of politics essentially wants to preserve the status quo and distract the attention from basic social issues. Ketkar essentially was urging upon the government to take the basic issues and not to resort to the politics of tokenism. In current times, especially from last two decades the identity politics has been imposed upon the society.

It all began with RSS combine (RC) (RSS and its progeny, BJP, VHP, Bajrang Dal, Vanvasi kalian Ashram etc) throwing up the issue of Ram temple which was to distract the attention from real issues related to caste, gender and workers-Adivasi rights. With Lord Ram being brought forward as symbol of Indian identity the problems of poor were pushed to the back seat and today what we see that now Ram Sethu issue is being presented as the major problem. Emotive, identity related issues have the potential to create social hysteria and so have the power to undermine the real social problems. Now the housing for poor gets substituted by temple for Lord Ram and that's how the agenda of this identity politics can be understood. One recalls attacks on journalists in the aftermath of Babri demolition. One is witnessing today the attacks on those speaking against the goals of divisive identity politics.

While those undertaking such attacks must be punished, the identity politics itself needs to be defeated and the issues related to the people of society need to be put on the forefront of the social agenda. The decade of 1980s saw the transition when the issue based politics was undermined by diverse social processes and vested interests to project their social interests in the name of religion and in the wake of Meenakishipuram conversions of Dalts to Islam, Shah Bano judgement and opening of the locks of Babri mosque heralded the opening of floodgates of identity related issues and politics.

It is not that identity is always counter productive. For the oppressed groups identity around their icons may give them necessary strength to demand for their rights. But that is only in the beginning. Over a period of time, the positive signals get converted into ritualism and the inner meaning is gradually dwarfed. This is what happened with the statues of Dr. Ambedkar. While the dalit politics was struggling to invent new language to ensure their rights, the proliferation of statues of Dr. Ambedkar was accompanied by infinite divisions in the dalit movement. Those who were deeply opposed to the rising dalit assertion and power took this opportunity and came in the field to erect bigger statues while replacing his language of Learn, Organize and Struggle with Social Harmony, Samajik Samarasta.

These statues of Dr. Ambedkar were also deliberately desecrated to create trouble in Dalit areas. Currently large number of temples and statues of Shabri and Hanuman are being installed by RSS affiliate Vanvasi Kalyan Ahsram in Adivais areas to give the subtle message that Adivaisi are to upper caste what Hanuman and Shabri were to Lord Ram. While a lot needs to be understood about Mayawati's politics, from her transition from Bahujan to Sarvajan, from her original dalit stance to collaboration with BJP for some time, her defense of Gujarat carnage and her electoral interventions which may mostly be benefiting the BJP politics, what is undoubted is that while initially she gave a sort of strength to dalits quest for assertion, currently she is more busy with erecting her own statues.

At the same time her stance of sitting on a level higher than her supporters; also indicate the shift from Ambedkar's values of Liberty, Equality and Fraternity. The complexity of social phenomenon is immense. While those talking in the language of Rights are being marginalized the one's projecting identity and emotive issues are making hay. Attack on Ketkar on this ground has more to say than just freedom of expression, it also reminds us that the type of opinions which could be expressed freely some time ago is a no-no in contemporary times. The best example of this is probably celebrated and currently hounded painter M.F. Hussein. While he drew Goddess Sarswati and many other such paintings in previous decades, the attacks came in last two decades alone. The same paintings were 'discovered' in 90s and he became the target of attacks and forced to leave India.

Case of Taslima also comes fairly close. While not commenting on her understanding of Koran and Islam, one can say that she also had to suffer much more from late nineties till now. The writers, painters and opinion makers are consciously being intimidated and frightened to ensure that merchants of identity politics are able to undermine the issues related to bread, butter, shelter, employment and human rights. And that's what is the agenda of those who unleash the politics of Rath yatras, Gujarat Carnage, beat up Taslima or attack Ketkar. At surface they may sound to be divided along religious lines, but they have a deeper unity, abolish democracy-bring in identity based nation sate.
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